On changing views about physical law, evolution and progress in the second half of the nineteenth century
Resumen
There has been deep disagreements about the significance of Darwin’s theory of evolution on changes on the notion of progress that prevailed during the nineteenth century in Britain and many other countries. As part of a widespread view it is generally argued that Darwin was fully aware of the important implications of his views for overthrowing the traditional Victorian notion of progress and thus that in an important sense Darwin was more a thinker of our times than of the nineteenth century. Important replies to this traditional view have argued that Darwin’s views are tinted with the teleological view of progress and evolution common in his times. In this paper I want to argue that both views are to some extent right. It will be shown that even though there is a close affinity between Spencer and Darwin concerning their common adherence to a teleological and moral notion of progress, there are important differences as well. These are related to the role that Darwin thought contingency plays in evolutionary explanations. This view of Darwin is importantly different from the view of most contemporaries and lead to a different characterization of evolution. For Darwin, but not for most of his contemporaries, progress is not to be seen as the necessary result of the existence of a physical law that would supposedly ground the explanatory power of evolution. As Chauncey Wright points out in the early 1870’s, one should not look at Darwin’s theory of evolution in analogy with mechanics, but rather with meteorology. From this perspective, natural selection is not really “a cause” described by a law, rather it is the mode of operation of a certain limited class of causes. Wright’s comparison is the first suggestion that the theory of evolution is a different sort of theory because of the role that contingencies play in framing the ontology for explanations. As Boutroux will clearly formulate the basic idea in 1874, the recognition of the central role of contingencies in explanations leads to a view of reality as consisting of different domains, each one explicable by different sets of laws. Wright and Boutrox are used in this paper to argue that, even though Darwin never formulates the idea explicitly, his view requires taking stand against a problematic notion of physical law that was widely assumed to be a point of departure for the discussion about the nature of progress.
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Evolutionary Progress, edited by Matthew Nitecki, Chicago 1988, p. 30.
Bowler P. J. Theories of Human Evolution, Baltimore 1986, p.41.
“The moral foundations of the idea of evolutionary progress: Darwin, Spencer,and the Neo-Darwinians”, in Nitecki 1988, p. 131.
From “The spirit of the age”, in J. M. Robson et. al., eds., The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, CH vols. Toronto, 1981-1991 CH, vol. 32, p. 228) Quoted by L. Daston in “The vertigo of scientific progress”, Preprint 21, MPIWG.
A similar idea is expressed by Bagehot in Physics and Politics, London 1872.
“Science and technology as sources of natural power”, by Lyon Playfair.Presidential Address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Aberdeen, 1885, in Victorian Science, edited by George Basalla, W. Coleman and R. Kargon, Doubleday Anchor Books ed. 1970.
The origin of this association is often thought to be a by-product of theinfluence of Darwin’s theory on the intellectual landscape. But at most we can say that Darwin’s use of the term “struggle for existence” reinforced a deeply rooted view.
For a detailed argument along these lines see L. Daston “The vertigo ofscientific progress”, Preprint 21, MPIWG.
John Herschel, A Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy (a facsimile edition of the 1830 edition London). Foreword by Arthur Fine, Chicago 1987, p. 207.
See by Norton Wise and Crosbie Smith “Work and waste...,” Hist. Sci. xxvii, 1989.
This is the third volume of the Bridgewater Treatises, the first edition was published in London in 1833. The general title for the Treatises is “On the power wisdom and goodness of God as manifested in the creation”.
The quotation is from p.356 chapter VIII, titled “On the Physical Agency ofthe Deity”, fifth edition, London 1836.
There is at least another issue that separated Darwin and Whewell. Biologyfor Whewell could not pretend to have reach a stage of development in which it could be possible to formulate its hypothesis mathematically, something that Whewell thought it was required for the “clear” formulation of a science. Darwin, implicitly at least, was saying that a clear formulation of a science did not required that its general laws be formulated mathematically.
Robert Richards, The Meaning of Evolution, Chicago 1992.
”Progress, its law and cause”, Westminster Review, April 1857, pp. 445-485.
Cosmic evolutionism is a widespread view among the most ardent advocatesof Darwin. Ernst Haeckel thought of the unfolding of nature as “merely the inevitable outcome of the struggle for existence” and had views more similar to Spencer than to Darwin on the nature of evolution. Clemence-August Royer, who translated The Origin of Species into French in 1862 thought of progress as a universal law and even criticizes Darwin for failing to draw conclusions for morality and political evolution from the law of progress, that, according to her, he has discovered.
On this issue see “The nebular hypotheses and the science of progress”, bySimon Schaffer, in History, Humanity and Evolution, Essays for John Green, edited by J. Moore, Cambridge U.P, 1989.
Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, by Robert Chambers, edited with a new introduction by J. Secord, facsimile reproduction of the first edition, the University of Chicago Press, 1994.
References to Darwin’s Origin of Species are to the first edition (facsimile, with an introduction by Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1964).
In many other passages of the Origin, and in letters of the time of publication of the Origin, Darwin states his view of progressive evolution, emphasizing its secular character. ( See for example, letter of Darwin to Lyell, 25 Oct. 1859, in The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, by. F. Darwin, 2: 177.) In the Descent of Man this secular understanding of evolution is even more insistent, as we shall see.
See The Meaning of Evolution, by R. Richards, chapter 4.
“Evolution by natural selection”, North Am. Review, July 1872. Included in Philosophical Discussions by Chauncey Wright, edited by Charles Eliot Norton, New York 1877.
“The meaning of accident”, North Am. Review, 1871.
The Descent of Man in Relation to Sex, London 1871.
The references to Boutroux’s work are from the translation by Fred Rothwellof 1920: The Contingency of the Laws of Nature, E. Boutroux, Chicago 1920. 26 Boutroux, 1920, p.172.
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